How closely do medieval theories conceptualising the lifecycle reflect the actual realities of the life course?

How closely do medieval theories conceptualising the lifecycle reflect the actual realities of the life course?

by Darcy R. Keim, MA

 

The study of the medieval lifecycle is a multifaceted area of research.  Examining the lifecycle requires an assessment of factors that determined medieval society. Therefore, it is necessary to include discussion encompassing physical, moral, and spiritual values.^[1] Medieval theories concerning the lifecycle remain to be highly debated; particularly concerning the extent of which these had influenced and were adhered to in contemporary society. It has long been observed by medievalists that lifecycle theories had established a predicted order to life.^[2] This is illustrated in the medieval interpretation of the ‘Ages of Man’. Through this, the lifecycle is represented as a set of expectations within each stage of life.^[3] Furthermore, the ‘Ages of Man’ exemplified societal assumptions; typically in relation to respective age groups.^[4] Each stage of life would exhibit its own set of restrictions. Predominantly, this would have manifested in two forms; both visually and textually didactic. To a degree, medieval theories of the lifecycle were instructive. In her book, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, Deborah Young elaborates on this; stating that, "[...] medieval society promoted the idea of the ages of man: they were a series of fixed, inflexible stages that were universal, ahistorical and asocial."^[5] Arguably, lifecycle theories had fixated on age-specific conduct.^[6] This would have acted as a process of fulfilling bodily, spiritual, and moral practices within each stage. Nevertheless, the ‘Ages of Man’ had not been anomalous in its depiction of the medieval lifecycle. The high medieval period had seen the reappearance of the ‘Wheel of Fortune’.^[7]  As per tradition, medieval wall paintings had often showcased the ‘Wheel of Fortune’.^[8] In addition to this, there had been the emergence of the ‘Wheel of Life’.^[9] Even so, the extent of which lifecycle theories would have contributed to the contemporary model of knowledge is questioned.^[10] The aim of this paper is to ascertain the degree to which medieval society had integrated theories of the lifecycle. The approach will be based in analysis; by focusing on various portrayals of the lifecycle and deducing the extent of which it had aligned with social customs and conduct during the middle ages.

 

Firstly, there are a thread of common references regarding lifecycle theories. Notably, this consisted of a repetitive use of allegorical terms such as ‘bridge’, ‘stairway’, and ‘circle of life’.^[11] Furthermore, it is important to recognise that the ‘Ages of Man’ theory is presented through a variety of models. For example, there is the three to the twelve stages of man.^[12] The composition of these models focused on the process of life - from birth to death. Furthermore, these models were metaphorically anchored in opposition. By this, it is ascertained in the lifecycle that there “[...] never could there be life without death, youth without age, light without darkness, joy without sorrow, peace without discord, well without wrong, a kingdom with change."^[13] This metaphorical conceptualisation of the ‘Ages of Man’ is most popularly showcased in William Shakespeare’s, As You Like It; “All the world's a stage, and all the men and women merely players. They have their exit and their entrances. And one man in his time plays many parts, his acts being seven ages.” The purpose of this structure had been to establish a divine power over human condition; as is described by Elizabeth Sears (in her assessment entitled, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle) in which she had claimed:

 

God had made man the focal point of an ordered world. The structure of human life, the number and duration of its phases, this implied, could not be arbitrary. It was also to gain insight into the purpose of life and, thus, into kinds of conduct which might ensure the well-being of body and soul.^[14]

 

Within this paradigm, descriptions of each stage would address physical and spiritual expectations. Typically, this included traditions and rituals that contributed to individual development. For example, the ceremonial practice of churching provided a series of tasks for a woman to purify her physical and spiritual self after giving birth. Only after this was the woman permitted to enter the church again.^[15] Although it is cited as a necessary rite after birthing during the late medieval period, it was rarely performed by labouring women. A primary reason for this had been the duration of the process; lasting up to a month after giving birth. The main celebration of a birth usually took place after the churching. Primary sources detail that a feast would have been held forty days after birth, as a result of the mother’s churching and of the child’s baptism.^[16] With regard to financial restrictions, it would not have been a possibility for labouring women to engage in this. Typically, women of nobility would have enacted the practice. As an example of the sacred rites found in medieval interpretations of the lifecycle, this does highlight an issue. There is a significant degree of generalisation in these theories. Moreover, conceptualisations of the lifecycle seldom take into account distinctions between social status. As a point of emphasis, it is imperative to question how widely (and strictly) sacred rites of medieval life were utilised and practiced. Nonetheless, the study of tradition does deliver an understanding of the morals upheld during the middle-ages. Even so, it is difficult to argue that sacred rites did not hold a predominant place in medieval society. Certainly, an example of a rite that was popularly exercised was baptism. Arguably, this is considered as one of the most significant rites of a person’s life during this period.  In particular, it is emphasised in a variety of visual depictions concerning the ‘Ages of Man’. Due to the high levels of child mortality in the middle-ages, children would have been baptised as soon as possible. This would have been to ensure sacred burial, in the likelihood that the child would not survive past infancy. From birth, the probability of reaching adulthood was remarkably slim.^[17] As the child would not have been considered under the protection of Christ before entering the church, an initial blessing and exorcism was required.^[18] Following this, prayers were said for the child, as it was ceremonially anointed and named.^[19] As a product of tradition, it was a recurrent theme for children to have been named after a godparent, relative, or saint.^[20] Certainly, the initial options would have been to ensure guardianship over the child, in the case that the parents were to die.^[21] With regard to medieval theory, the ‘Ages of Man’ does solely provide description of this ritual as a sacred rite. Furthermore, it is identifiable that medieval theory often lacks social context. By this - within the context of medieval society - this event had served a further purpose. Indeed, baptism ceremonies were used to openly mark and memoralise the birth of a person. This was especially necessary in a period that did not typically keep records of the lower gentry or the labouring community. Even so, there is evidence to suggest that baptism had fulfilled this social role. This is exemplified in an account given by Peter Fitwarin, who in 1309 established that he could recall a birth due to “[...] Warin the father came to Wermenstre on the fifteenth day after the heir’s birth and held a feast there, where the witness was present and was asked to give testimony to the day and year of the birth of the heir when he should come to full age.”^[22] It is possible to argue that the subject of sacred rites within the ‘Ages of Man’ could be regarded as distinctly limited. However, the demonstration of it does emphasise the transitional setup of the medieval lifecycle. For instance, the structure of the cycle requires the participant to complete each section before proceeding forward. Within this framework, it may be ascertained that the lifecycle theory functions as a process of spiritual evolution; rather than a disciplinary guideline.

 

Nevertheless, an observation proposed by Sears is that lifecycle theories had focused primarily on the physical process of ageing. Comparatively, Sears noted that this often sided youth with positive attributes and ageing with negative ones.^[23] There is evidence to suggest that the approach taken by medieval natural philosophers would have conceptualised life in a chronological progression; whereby man would be “[...] born small, he grows to reach physical perfection before commencing his decline.”^[24] The course of life and age division was often observed within the ‘Four Ages of Man’.^[25]  Principally, this was more widely known as the ‘Four Seasons of Man’. A repetitive perspective held by natural philosophers was to link the sequence of human life to the temporal cycle of the seasons.^[26] Within one version of the medieval Rota (a manuscript detailing the rotation of fortune), it is inscribed, "Quatuor etates, velut hic patet atque videntur, humane vite spatium conplere iubentur.”^[27] Translated, this provided an outline of the theory; stating that, “The four ages, as is shown here and as they are seen, are ordered to complete the span of the human life.”^[28] The “Four Seasons of Man” aimed to establish an organised structure to human activity.^[29] In particular, this setup divided the lifecycle into a series of accomplishments. Allegorically, manuscripts would align the life of man with the turning of the seasons; popularly demonstrating childhood as a product of spring, adolescence as summer, adulthood in the autumn, and elderly life as winter.^[30] Typically, the ‘Seasons’ theory featured multiple objectives that were to be fulfilled by members of medieval society. Textually, this had been constructed as a succession of cues. Beginning with early life, children were expected to be disciplined through education.^[31] This would have been largely didactic in nature and principally achieved through literary study.^[32] Furthering this, adolescents were to be trained in application of the law.^[33] Naturally, this would not have been uncommon due to the demand to fulfill clerical and lay positions. Following this, adulthood would have comprised of public service.^[34] This would then deteriorate into the ageing process. Comparatively, elders were expected to obtain reflective roles and provide counsel for the community.^[35] As prior disputed, this may be perceived as a generalisation. However, the metaphor does not take into account social, religious, and economic shifts. It would be inaccurate to apply the ‘Four Seasons of Man’ as an overarching representation of the entirety of the medieval period. An example of this ought to be highlighted by the education of adolescents; which had been considerably varied. The late medieval period saw an increase in apprenticeship work. As a result of the rise in tradesmanship, the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries raised the majority of youth through the development of technical training.^[36] Prior to the introduction of Humanist education, there was a sudden decrease in academic attendance. Consequently, educational study had not been viewed as a vital aspect of preparing for life. Instead, it came to be known as the study of life.^[37] As previously mentioned, there was a shift in social attitude and economical values in the late medieval period. Due to this, there is evidence to suggest that youth relied on obtaining apprentice roles to then contribute to society at large; as well as hold a position of influence.^[38] It is undeniable that apprenticeship training  had developed as a social and moral education.^[39]  An additional example references the predicted role of the elderly. Although the ‘Four Seasons of Man’ had determined that old-age ought to be spent in reflection, this was rarely the situation. As a result of age-specific illnesses and mortality rates in childhood and early adulthood, Western Europe experienced an increased elderly population.^[40] For this, the older members of society were required to continue contributing financially to society. This was particularly noticeable in population studies after the black death in the fourteenth century.

 

With regard to the various models of lifecycle theory, The ‘Wheel of Life’ (additionally known as the ‘Ten Ages of Man’)  had an extensive influence on medieval perceptions of living. Arguably, the degree of authority had been larger across society than other conceptualisations of the ‘Ages of Man’. This was predominantly due to the fact that the study of ‘Ages’ had been considerably academic. In addition to this, the ‘Wheel of Life’ had manifested through an abundance of visual representation. As a point of emphasis, the ‘Wheel of Life’ was commonly associated with earth-bound characteristics.^[41] In the Christian development of the ‘Wheel’, it became a symbol for ephemeral and temporal facets within the lifecycle.^[42] The purpose of the ‘Wheel of Life’ was to resemble the necessity of spiritual existence. This had been illustrative - and unsubtle - in its structure and portrayal. Notably, where the ‘Wheel of Fortune’ had centralised the figure of Fortuna, the ‘Wheel of Life’ had been structured to revolve around God.^[43] The Christian narrative intended the unpredictably of life to be characterised as God’s influence.^[44] Consequently, this depiction does contribute to the concept of penance. Moreover, it is an identifiable factor of medieval religious expectation; whereby individuals were required to entrust their life into God. It is undeniable that the Church profited from this exchange. The ‘Wheel of Life’ determined that a person had one life to achieve spiritual fulfillment. As such, it functioned as a consistent reminder of the transient experience of life and the necessity to fulfill religious customs in order to ascend to heaven.^[45] Furthermore, the ‘Wheel of Life’ displayed a clear chronological outline; showcasing a worldly agenda. Undoubtedly, medieval society had acknowledged the ‘Wheel of Life’ and utilised it in communal living.^[46] This had been evident in the overall religious approach toward rituals regarding birth and death. Nevertheless, the extent of the accuracy that the ‘Wheel of Life’ has to offer regarding the medieval lifecycle is questionable. The study of ‘Wheel’ does provide an insight into the didacticism of Christian worship during this period. Importantly, it does also stress the issue of high natality and adult mortality rates. By doing so, it  does accentuate the need to partake in sacred rites. The study of medieval population does note that Western Europe often appeared youthful due to age-specific disease and lack of mobility.^[47]

 

The greatest hurdle was childhood, and late medieval society could expect around a third of all children to die in infancy. Early adulthood had its own dangers: cemeteries around Europe were filled with a substantial number of those in their thirties. Such low expectations for life would have had some towns and villages in Western Europe appear 'young' in their demographic profile.^[48]

 

In reflection, ‘The Ages of Man’ ought to be regarded as an educational product of medieval society. Arguably, the use of medieval lifecycle theories in contemporary practice was rather similar to that of didactic poetry in the nineteenth century. Indeed, the construct a divine system of life was predominantly taught rather than enacted.^[49] It is difficult to ascertain the extent of which the labouring faction would have been aware of the various models of lifecycle theories beyond visual interpretations. It may be argued that sacred rites were practiced as a response to tradition, rather than discipline. In addition to this, alterations in historical circumstance (such as fluctuating population and economic changes) had not been recorded or illustrated through medieval lifecycle theories. However, there is evidence to suggest that the moral debate altered and adapted itself to shifts in academic ideology.^[50] Undoubtedly, medieval theories of the lifecycle were highly instructive.^[51] Arguably, the presence of these theories provided lessons that existed in strict absolutes. Importantly, the existence of the ‘Ages of Man’ is an example of medieval moral discussion and debate. The study of the various models of theory provide insight into the issues that determined approach to life and death. In conclusion, the extent of which medieval lifecycle theories had reflected contemporary customs is varied. To a degree, it is possible to observe influence in the manner society perceived issues such as mortality and the afterlife. However, it could be determined that lifecycle theories did not contribute highly outside of education. Certainly, it is imperative to note that this theory was commonly known to those had access to academia. Therefore, it is possible to ascertain that the lifecycle theories is reflective of contemporary tradition, rather than an influence of it.

 

 

Bibliography

 

Primary

 

Shakespeare, W., The Seven Ages of Man From Shakespeare's "As You Like It", (London, 1885), in 'Internet Archive', www.archive.org

 

Secondary

 

Sears, E., The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986)

 

Youngs, D., The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006

 

Kline, Reeds. N., Maps of Medieval Thought: The Hereford Paradigm, (Woodbridge, 2001)

 

Radding, M. C., 'Fortune and her Wheel: The Meaning of a Medieval Symbol', Mediaevistik (1992), vol. 5, p. 127-138

 

Lyon, L. S.,  ‘Medieval English Apprenticeship as Business Education’, The School Review, (Chicago, 1920), Vol. 28 No. 8, p. 585-599

 

Fleming, P., Family and Household in Medieval England, (New York, 2001)

 

Baldick, R., (trans.), Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, in Philippe Ariès, (New York, 1930)

---

^[1] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 9

^[2]  D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 33

^[3]  D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 33

^[4]  D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 33

^[5] D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 34

^[6]  D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 33

^[7] C. M. Radding, 'Fortune and her Wheel: The Meaning of a Medieval Symbol', Mediaevistik (1992), vol. 5, p. 127

^[8] N. R. Kline, Maps of Medieval Thought: The Hereford Paradigm, (Woodbridge, 2001), p. 44

^[9] N. R. Kline, Maps of Medieval Thought: The Hereford Paradigm, (Woodbridge, 2001), p. 44

^[10] N. R. Kline, Maps of Medieval Thought: The Hereford Paradigm, (Woodbridge, 2001), p. 44

^[11] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 4

^[12] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 4

^[13]  E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 3

^[14] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 3

^[15]  P. Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, (New York, 2001), p. 62

^[16]  P. Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, (New York, 2001), p. 62

^[17] D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 34

^[18] P. Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, (New York, 2001), p. 61

^[19] P. Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, (New York, 2001), p. 61

^[20]  P. Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, (New York, 2001), p. 62

^[21] P. Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, (New York, 2001), p. 62

^[22] P. Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, (New York, 2001), p. 62

^[23] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 3

^[24] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 9

^[25] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 9

^[26] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 9

^[27]  E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 23

^[28] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 23

^[29] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 12

^[30] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 9

^[31] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 12

^[32] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 12

^[33] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 12

^[34] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 12

^[35] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 12

^[36] R. Baldrick, (trans.), Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, in Philippe Ariès, (New York, 1930), p. 193

^[37] R. Baldrick, (trans.), Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, in Philippe Ariès, (New York, 1930), p. 189-90

^[38] L. S. Lyon,  ‘Medieval English Apprenticeship as Business Education’, The School Review, (Chicago, 1920), Vol. 28 No. 8, p. 585

^[39] L. S. Lyon,  ‘Medieval English Apprenticeship as Business Education’, The School Review, (Chicago, 1920), Vol. 28 No. 8, p. 585

^[40] D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 34

^[41] N. R. Kline, Maps of Medieval Thought: The Hereford Paradigm, (Woodbridge, 2001), p. 38

^[42] N. R. Kline, Maps of Medieval Thought: The Hereford Paradigm, (Woodbridge, 2001), p. 38

^[43] N. R. Kline, Maps of Medieval Thought: The Hereford Paradigm, (Woodbridge, 2001), p. 40

^[44] N. R. Kline, Maps of Medieval Thought: The Hereford Paradigm, (Woodbridge, 2001), p. 40

^[45] N. R. Kline, Maps of Medieval Thought: The Hereford Paradigm, (Woodbridge, 2001), p. 38

^[46] D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 34

^[47] D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 34

^[48] D. Youngs, The Life Cycle in Western Europe, c.1300-c.1500, (Manchester, 2006), p. 34

^[49] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 6

^[50] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 6

^[51] E. Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle, (Surrey, 1986), p. 6